Maria Full Of Grace ilgai lauktas ir labai noretas paziuret filmas, bet gal kiek per daug tikejausi. tema idomi ir istorija gera bet vietom kazkokios neitikinancios situacijos. siaip verta paziurejimo. siuzetas trumpai- mergina is nedidelio kolumbijos mietelio susiviolioja pinigais ir apsiima buti 'mule'- pervezt kokaino kapsules pilve i jav. galvoju ar kuri is mano kolumbieciu bendradarbiu tokiu budu gal cia pateko irgi? zostka.
dokumentinis filmas apie AK-47 kureja Mixaila Kalashnikova -AUTOMATIC KALASHNIKOV. vienam is susitikimu su kazkokiais rusu karininkais jis jiems sako jei man nors po penkias kapeikas uz kiekviena parduota kalashnikova butu mokeje tai dabar as jums sakyciau eikit namo , as rytoj is kisenes jums algas ismokesiu. bet veliau sako, ai kas is tu pinigu, amerikietisko m-16 kurejas turtingas , bet apdavonijomo nei vieno neturi. ir jis pirmiausiai kure ginkla tevyne apsaugot, o kad taip isplito ir dabar 12-ciai kur nors afrikoj is ju saudo, tai jis kaltas nesijaucia, nors abejingas irgi nera, tik rodo kad produktas gavosi geras. kazkoks keistas jausmas beziurint.
Vaginos Monologai - filmas is vieno is jos(Eve Enslerapie) pasirodymo. isgarsejus ir statyta daug kur pasauly, monologai apie vagina, seksa, prievarta, kulturines normas ir t.t. cia daugiau. girdejau yra isleista knyga lietuviskai ir buvo pastatytas spektaklis, labai idomu kaip isversta nes daug ten yra kalbos, vartojimo kalboj ir t.t.
V diena, globalus judejimas siekiantis atkreipti demesi ir sustabdyti smurta pries moteris ir mergaites.
skaitymas: siandien atsitiktinai pavarciau new york times ir rdau idomiu pora straipsniu - apie zapatistu lyderi marcos, rasanti detektyvini-politini romana -zemiau, nes kazkodel linko neatidaro reikia but prisiregistravus.
pentagonas gincijasi ant kiek leistis i propagandinius uzsienio karus - irgi dar zemiau:
Solution to a Stalled Revolution: Write a Mystery Novel
By JAMES C. McKINLEY Jr.
Published: December 13, 2004
In a crime novel being written by the Zapatista rebel leader Subcommander Marcos, left, and the writer Pablo Ignacio Taibo II, right, the two main characters will meet at the monument in Chapter 7.
MEXICO CITY, Dec. 12 - What should a rebel leader with a little extra time on his hands do to get attention? Subcommander Marcos, the elusive and charismatic leader of the Zapatista movement in southern Mexico, has apparently decided the answer is to write a crime novel.
Two weeks ago, Pablo Ignacio Taibo II, a successful writer of detective stories set in Mexico City, received a clandestine letter from the guerrilla leader. In it, Subcommander Marcos, the rebel leader who made wearing a black ski mask sexy, proposed that they team up to write a detective story, alternating chapters.
"I thought about it for 10 seconds and said 'No, not right now. I'm very happy with my Pancho Villa book, which I'm writing, and this new project will drive me crazy," Mr. Taibo recalled. "Then rapidly, 10 seconds later, I said yes. It had the enormous attraction of insanity. For a writer like me who is always bordering on insanity, it was part of my, shall we say, greatest obsessions to do something like that."
So Mr. Taibo, a liberal who sympathizes with the Zapatista movement's campaign for greater rights for indigenous people in the southern region of Chiapas, worked out the rules for writing the book in a flurry of letters with the rebel leader.
The first six chapters of the book, titled "Awkward Deaths," are to be a sort of Ping-Pong game, Mr. Taibo said. Marcos is to write chapters one, three and five, introducing his detective, Elías Contreras. Mr. Taibo would write chapters two, four and six, using the protagonists in his previous books, Detective Héctor Belascoarán Shayne. In the seventh chapter, the two detectives must meet at the Revolution Monument in Mexico City, where Pancho Villa and Lázaro Cárdenas are buried.
Pentagon Weighs Use of Deception in a Broad Arena
By THOM SHANKER and ERIC SCHMITT
Published: December 13, 2004
Dec. 12 - The Pentagon is engaged in bitter, high-level debate over how far it can and should go in managing or manipulating information to influence opinion abroad, senior Defense Department civilians and military officers say.
Such missions, if approved, could take the deceptive techniques endorsed for use on the battlefield to confuse an adversary and adopt them for covert propaganda campaigns aimed at neutral and even allied nations.
Critics of the proposals say such deceptive missions could shatter the Pentagon's credibility, leaving the American public and a world audience skeptical of anything the Defense Department and military say - a repeat of the credibility gap that roiled America during the Vietnam War.
The efforts under consideration risk blurring the traditional lines between public affairs programs in the Pentagon and military branches - whose charters call for giving truthful information to the media and the public - and the world of combat information campaigns or psychological operations.
The question is whether the Pentagon and military should undertake an official program that uses disinformation to shape perceptions abroad. But in a modern world wired by satellite television and the Internet, any misleading information and falsehoods could easily be repeated by American news outlets.
The military has faced these tough issues before. Nearly three years ago, Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld, under intense criticism, closed the Pentagon's Office of Strategic Influence, a short-lived operation to provide news items, possibly including false ones, to foreign journalists in an effort to influence overseas opinion.
Now, critics say, some of the proposals of that discredited office are quietly being resurrected elsewhere in the military and in the Pentagon.
Pentagon and military officials directly involved in the debate say that such a secret propaganda program, for example, could include planting news stories in the foreign press or creating false documents and Web sites translated into Arabic as an effort to discredit and undermine the influence of mosques and religious schools that preach anti-American principles.
Some of those are in the Middle Eastern and South Asian countries like Pakistan, still considered a haven for operatives of Al Qaeda. But such a campaign could reach even to allied countries like Germany, for example, where some mosques have become crucibles for Islamic militancy and anti-Americanism.
Before the invasion of Iraq, the military's vast electronic-warfare arsenal was used to single out certain members of Saddam Hussein's inner circle with e-mail messages and cellphone calls in an effort to sway them to the American cause. Arguments have been made for similar efforts to be mounted at leadership circles in other nations where the United States is not at war.
During the cold war, American intelligence agencies had journalists on their payrolls or operatives posing as journalists, particularly in Western Europe, with the aim of producing pro-American articles to influence the populations of those countries. But officials say that no one is considering using such tactics now.
Suspicions about disinformation programs also arose in the 1980's when the White House was accused of using such a campaign to destabilize Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi of Libya.
In the current debate, it is unclear how far along the other programs are or to what extent they are being carried out because of their largely classified nature.
Within the Pentagon, some of the military's most powerful figures have expressed concerns at some of the steps taken that risk blurring the traditional lines between public affairs and the world of combat information operations.
These tensions were cast into stark relief this summer in Iraq when Gen. George W. Casey Jr., the top commander in Iraq, approved the combining of the command's day-to-day public affairs operations with combat psychological and information operations into a single "strategic communications office."
In a rare expression of senior-level questions about such decisions, Gen. Richard B. Myers, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, issued a memorandum warning the military's regional combat commanders about the risks of mingling the military public affairs too closely with information operations.
"While organizations may be inclined to create physically integrated P.A./I.O. offices, such organizational constructs have the potential to compromise the commander's credibility with the media and the public," it said.
But General Myers's memorandum is not being followed, according to officers in Iraq, largely because commanders there believe they are safely separating the two operations and say they need all the flexibility possible to combat the insurgency.
Indeed, senior military officials in Washington say public affairs officers in war zones might, by choice or under pressure, issue statements to world news media that, while having elements of truth, are clearly devised primarily to provoke a response from the enemy.